Chapter 111
 
 
邁進穩定成熟的台灣民主選舉文化


 

  經過李登輝總統12年的耕耘,台灣之子,平民之陳水扁於2000年03月18日當選台灣中華民國的總統,於中華民國聯合國席次被中共所取代之後,中華民國名存實亡。此次台灣的民主選舉,則是結結實實告訴世界各國,台灣是個主權獨立的國家,戴著中華民國虛名的台灣,有著真正的自由民主與人權,國民黨敗選,應乎天數與宿命。

  於2001年12月10日的TIME報導中,就指出台灣口水戰代替了以往的賄選與暴動,候選人與選民之民主風度,皆有長足的進步,78歲的李登輝前總統為台灣本土化民主再度效命,亦成功的扭轉民進黨執政的頹勢,而台灣人民已經可以不必害怕表現民意,掃除中共一國兩制的陰影與中共文攻武嚇的威脅。

  北京當局宜能平心靜氣看待台灣的民主成果,請能重新思考,如何與台灣的共容共存,方是智者領導之道。請參考英文報導:

 

The Ties That Won't Bind

Taiwan's pro-independence party scored a win in legislative elections-will the Strait turn cross again?

TIME, DECEMBER 10, 2001
BY MARK R. MITCHELL Taipei


It was all spit and tears. The most salient moment in the campaign for Taiwan's legislative elections last Saturday-a contest the local press ultimately dubbed the "saliva war"-came when the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) issued an official press release in which it remarked, without elaborating, that "23 million Taiwanese are wiping the DPP's ass." Candidates from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party were not the only ones splashed with vitriol. At one time or another, negative campaigning and personal attacks sent members of each of Taiwan's four major parties to their knees, weeping. Or at least they put on a good show of crying as the TV cameras recorded their entreaties to the electorate to vote for them out of sympathy. If the candidates had cooked up ideas for pulling the island out of its worst ever recession, they didn't share them.

The schmaltzy theater and lack of serious debate on the issues led many Taiwanese to write off the campaign as nothing more than a bad joke. But by the time results were tallied on Saturday night, it was clear that, either by serendipity or intent, Taiwan's voters had orchestrated a revolution, one that is arguably even more sweeping than Chen Shui-bian's victory in the March 2000 presidential elections. As a result, Taiwan's relations with mainland China, which regards the island as a renegade province, could become a lot more testy.

When Chen rose to the presidency, ending 50 years of KMT rule, the commissars in Beijing worried that he and the DPP would try to assert formal independence for Taiwan. Those concerns proved unfounded, largely because Chen was constrained by the KMT, which not only retained a majority in the legislature, but also became a pulpit for decidedly pro-China politicians under its mainland-born chairman, Lien Chan. On Saturday, however, voters tore off Chen's shackles as the KMT won only 68 of the legislature's 225 seats, down from 123 coming into the vote. Chen's DPP, meanwhile, will occupy 87 seats, up from 70.

That does not give the President an absolute majority, but it does allow him to strike a deal to lure a few maverick KMT or independent politicians rather than engage in tedious and fragile coalition building, leaving the KMT totally out of the government. For the first time since Chiang Kai-shek's army fled to Taiwan, it seems likely politicians advocating unification with the mainland have been sidelined.

The indefatigable Lee Teng-hui, who was President for 12 years and chairman of the KMT until he was ousted by pro-China politicians earlier this year, was partly responsible for crippling his former party. Lee was not a candidate in Saturday's election and holds no governmental position. But you wouldn't have guessed it judging by his airtime during the campaign and the fact that Taiwan has been papered over with posters bearing his grandfatherly face. The 78-year-old Lee has fashioned himself as the chief backer of the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), a three-month-old party made up of politicians whose chief qualification seems to be that they are friends with Lee Teng-hui.

The TSU might not become a force to be reckoned with, but Lee almost certainly will. Last week, he announced that he will form something called a "do tank," which he said will be sort of like a think tank, except that it will actually do something: namely, pressure the government and Taiwan's opposition politicians to think like him. And his campaign speeches made it clear that this means taking a much harder line on China and its sympathizers in the KMT. In one speech, Lee described himself as a prophet who would help release the Taiwanese people from the bondage of an overly powerful KMT and an intrusive China, boasting that "Lee Teng-hui is the only one in the world who's not afraid of the Chinese communists."

Within hours of his announcement, Chen said his government was ready to work with the TSU and Lee's do tank. And there are signs that the former President's rallying cry has made an impression with large numbers of KMT members who oppose the party's current stance on cross-strait relations. KMT candidate Chen Hsueh-fen, for example, spent much of the campaign arguing that her party should cooperate more closely with the DPP, a move she said would involve adopting a Lee-esque position on China. If the mainlander element of the KMT proves stubborn, Chen hinted that between 20 and 30 members of the party are ready to act unilaterally, perhaps even defecting to the DPP. While that might be an exaggeration, many analysts believe that a significant chunk of the KMT harbors similar sentiments and that this could, at a minimum, portend a change of leadership and a major rethink of the party's policy toward Beijing. This would make the KMT even more like Chen Shui-bian's DPP, and leave the mainland, suddenly, without a Taiwan counterpart advocating reunification.

With reporting by Joyce Huang and Donald Shapiro/Taipei