中共的一國兩制，其結果只是放一顆毫無政治空間的假民主地區香港，香港人雖言論自由，亦不過是引蛇出洞的藉口，凡是高談民主批評中共的人，一旦想進入中央政治圈中，的確比登天還難，某些香港記者不但被監視，早就“點名做記號了”，只是自己毫無警覺而已！中共並非呆頭鵝，香港記者敢批中共領導，是一種自毀前途的表現，只是因為香港有很多外國媒體存在，這批在外國媒體工作的香港記者，可要謹慎小心，因為中共的接班內鬥、奧運壓力與WTO在即，急於籌措資金，故還能容忍，未來壓力勢必越來越大，在大陸地區工作的投資台商、港商會是被迫捐款的對象，等著瞧吧！

　　這裏有篇華盛頓郵報的報導，請參讀：

台港兩地選舉鮮明對比 (中央社華盛頓2001年12月23日電)華盛頓郵報今天發表社論比較台灣與香港選舉，社論中說，中共要台灣接受「一國兩制」，但是從北京支持不受多數民意支持的董建華連任香港行政長官來看，北京當局並不準備接受台灣真正普選產生的民主政治。 影響力龐大的華盛頓郵報，今天以「兩個選舉」為社論頭題，社論中說，台灣選民這個月初再次參與已像是家常便飯的民主選舉，結果陳水扁總統的民主進步黨在立法院改選中贏得關鍵性勝利。 台灣選後不到兩週，同是中國人地方的香港，在位已四年半的行政長官董建華宣布，明年三月他將競選連任；民意調查顯示，香港七百萬人中，僅百分之十六支持董建華的決定，儘管如此，北京已表態說，董建華應該再做一任，截至目前為止，董建華是唯一的候選人。 郵報社論說：「香港的政治足以解釋台灣的現象」。雖然台灣經歷嚴重經濟衰退，中共也一再拒絕和陳水扁政府打交道，但民進黨仍首次躍升為台灣的國會第一大黨。 中共想把香港實施的「一國兩制」，推銷到台灣身上，但從北京導演董建華連任一事上，已明顯暴露出中共不準備忍受台灣真正普選產生的民主政治，這也適足解釋台灣選民何以忽視經濟艱難，選擇支持台灣獨立的民進黨。 郵報社論中說，董建華如果連任，他的任期將到二○○七年，如果北京同意讓香港有真正的民主政治，它贏得台灣民心的機會可能會高一些，然而北京卻是朝著反方向進行。 社論中稱呼董建華為中共領導下「急切的傀儡」，他跟著北京的口號猛批法輪功，還提案讓香港立法局通過授予北京當局任意罷免香港行政長官的權力，確保他自己下台後，繼任者仍將是中共的傀儡。 郵報說，中共堅持不顧香港大多數民意，要讓董建華連任，足以告訴世人這種「一國兩制」的實質，也無怪乎台灣越來越多選民拒絕接受中共那一套。

　　請參考英文報以佐證。

Two Elections The Washington Post Sunday, December 23, 2001 AT THE beginning of this month, Taiwan's voters participated in another of the island's now-routine democratic elections, handing a decisive victory in legislative races to the Democratic Progressive Party of President Chen Shui-bian. Just under two weeks later, a very different Chinese electoral event took place in Hong Kong: Tung Chee-hwa, the charmless business tycoon who became chief executive 4 1/2 years ago when the region was taken over by China, announced that he would seek reelection next March. A poll showed that just 16 percent of Hong Kong's 7 million people support his decision, but that doesn't matter; only 800 people hand-picked by the Chinese government are allowed to vote, and Beijing has already announced that Mr. Tung "deserves another term." So far, despite his staggering unpopularity, no one is running against him. The politics of Hong Kong go far to explain what happened in Taiwan, where Mr. Chen's party for the first time won the largest number of seats in the national legislature despite the fact that the country is suffering through the worst recession in decades. China, which has shunned Mr. Chen, is pressing Taiwan to accept reunification under the slogan of "one country, two systems" -- the same principle that it promised to apply in Hong Kong. But Mr. Tung's administration, and now his stage-managed reelection, have demonstrated all too clearly that Beijing is not prepared to tolerate the genuine popular democracy of Taiwan, at least in Hong Kong. Which, in turn, explains why Taiwan's voters would ignore their economic troubles and choose the party of Mr. Chen, which advocates Taiwanese independence from China. China's apologists point out that the city was not a democracy under British rule, and that China has not tampered with its court system and free-market economy. But China promised to allow for a gradual political liberalization in Hong Kong; its charter calls for it to make a decision in 2007 about whether to have a freely elected executive and legislature. If Beijing were to allow the territory to move toward a genuine democracy it would have a far better chance of winning over Taiwan's voters. Instead, it is moving in the opposite direction. Mr. Tung has proved himself an eager puppet of the Chinese leadership, mimicking its rhetoric about the Falun Gong spiritual movement. Last summer he induced the local legislature to pass a law giving China the explicit authority to remove Hong Kong's executive for any cause -- meaning that Mr. Tung's successors will have little choice but to be puppets, too. And since he will now serve until 2007, Mr. Tung will be able to ensure that the promised decision on the future political system will follow Beijing's script. That China would insist on his "reelection" against the wishes of the overwhelming majority of Hong Kong's people demonstrates what that system is likely to look like. No wonder that a growing number of Taiwan's voters want no part of it.