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Rumors on April 10, 2004 ……
Rumors thrive in political isolation
By Lii Ding-tzann
The conflict surrounding the presidential election is rife with rumor and innuendo, which is only natural in such a turbulent situation. It is surprising, however, that many people believe these rumors and that they have led to such enormous anxiety and disquiet. I know of a pan-blue professor who is absolutely convinced that the pan-green camp rigged the election and activated the national security mechanism with the deliberate purpose of manipulating the election. She has also decided that President Chen Shui-bian planned and orchestrated the assassination attempt on himself and Vice President Annette Lu.
Her conviction that the pan-green camp will go to any lengths is worrisome. She says she has to leave this evil place and emigrate to the US.
The whole incident is of course still in the investigative stages, and we shouldn't make any assertions either way. What can be asserted, however, is that all evidence in support of the pan-blue camp's accusations is very weak. We could even call it all a matter of conjecture. But, given the almost total lack of evidence, why do people still cling to this belief and even let it fill them with fear and anger?
The enthusiastic protesters on Ketagalan Boulevard truly and fully believe that Chen rigged the vote. Their emotions were genuine and not a matter of deliberately refusing to listen to reason. But the problem is that these people treat conjecture as truth. How can they "see" these "facts" when there is no evidence? How is it that even highly trained intellectuals such as university professors are unable to bridge this gap in their understanding?
This situation exists within the pan-green camp too. A couple of days after protesters gathered on Ketagalan Boulevard, a rumor started spreading among pan-green supporters. According to this rumor, People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong alone had planned the assassination attempt, and that Soong intended to kill Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan and take over the national leadership.
Not long after this rumor started spreading, an equally preposterous rumor appeared, saying that Soong was planning a coup d'etat and would throw Taiwan into turmoil before receiving China's People's Liberation Army and handing Taiwan over to it. To this end, protesters would lay siege to the Presidential Office and raze the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on March 27, the day of the big demonstration. Premier Yu Hsyi-kun even wanted Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou to increase protective measures. And the result? The protesting crowds displayed a high degree of self-restraint.
Thus, the talk of rebellion was obviously rumor and baseless conjecture. Surprisingly, however, many pan-greens believed it to be true. Two professors firmly told me that Soong was preparing a coup. Their anger and anxiety made me feel the truth of their emotions. They firmly believe that the pan-blue camp is planning a coup. So the pan-green camp suffers from the same problem as the pan-blue camp.
How is it that pan-green supporters actually "see" their conjecture and imaginings when there is no evidence? Why do they believe rumor to be the truth? How could these ideas about coups and vote-rigging see the light of day?
Karl Marx tells us that there is a materialistic foundation to knowledge. The existence of human society determines human awareness, and not the other way around. The reason we hold certain ideas is that we exist under certain conditions.
The sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has proposed the clearer "habitus" concept. He believes that the situations, objects and people we encounter in our daily lives leave an impression on us, and that these impressions accumulate over time to form our most fundamental approaches to life. Our most fundamental opinions of situations and objects -- including our most basic emotions and assessments, such as the likelihood of a situation actually occurring, whether or not it is respectable or beautiful, and so on -- all come from this most fundamental habitus.
Bourdieu also points out that habitus develops along various social paths, such as class and ethnicity. Due to differences in habitus, different classes and ethnic groups frequently develop very different sentiments about and understanding of life, and this is the very source of social confrontation and tension.
Using ardent supporters of the pan-blue camp as an example, the most typical habitus includes reading pan-blue newspapers, listening to pan-blue radio broadcasts and watching pan-blue TV programs on a daily basis, and making pan-blue friends with whom they criticize the pan-green camp's actions and so on. It is also possible that these deeply blue supporters eat at restaurants serving food from their home province, that they have a Republic of China flag on display in their home, an ROC map on the wall and even blue wallpaper and neckties.
All these people, situations, objects -- newspapers, TV programs, national flags, maps, neckties, restaurants and friends -- constitute an interreferential symbolic system that slowly shapes our most basic emotions, understanding and assessments. This situation exists in the pan-green camp, too -- simply replace "blue" with "green" and the ROC map with a map of Taiwan.
Because the habitus of deeply blue and deeply green people differs, they build their respective closed systems where their internal sense of self is strengthened and interreferential. Exchange and dialogue between the two is, however, rare. Any rumor that appears will, therefore, be quickly transmitted within their system. Not only will there be no resistance but the rumor will be amplified and exaggerated. Furthermore, hints and suggestions by various nearby symbols will finally turn a false, imagined conjecture into hard and fast truth.
To transcend these limitations on human knowledge, we must first be able to transcend the limitations posed by the habitus. Deeply blue supporters must spend more time reading pan-green newspapers and listening to pan-green radio broadcasts, and use more green wallpaper. This way, they will not be locked in a closed habitus system, unable to break out. In the same way, deeply green supporters should spend more time reading pan-blue newspapers and listening to pan-blue radio broadcasts, make more pan-blue friends and look at more maps of China.
This way, they will not be controlled by a Taiwanese symbolic universe.
Only if the pan-blue and pan-green camps recognize the existence and limitations of the habitus, and are brave enough to transcend it, will everyone have an opportunity to engage in intrinsic, deep communication with the other party. Only then can we slowly build a truly tolerant and diverse culture. This is true democracy.
Lii Ding-tzann is a professor at the Institute of Sociology at Tsing
Hua University.
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On April 10, 2004 ……
Chen's three great challenges
What separates great leaders from good leaders is that great leaders can identify challenges and tackle them with vision and determination. President Chen Shui-bian's re-election has not only reconstructed Taiwan's political landscape but, most importantly, points out the challenges that face us.
Chen is facing three major challenges: an antagonistic Beijing regime that has shown no respect for the newly re-elected president; a US-Taiwan relationship that is somewhat damaged by different views on Chen's push for a referendum; and a prolonged domestic entanglement over the election that originates from a lack of trust in the past four years.
Despite the fact that Beijing has not reacted in an extreme way to Chen's victory, it has used diplomatic as well as political means to sabotage Chen's new mandate. For example, soon after Chen was officially certified as the winner of the election, Beijing bought out Taiwan's diplomatic ally, Dominica. Moreover, Beijing's plan to dictate policy on political reform in Hong Kong -- which includes a proposal to directly elect the head of the Special Administrative Region by 2007 -- is regarded as a "preventive mechanism" to counter growing local consciousness.
Even though Chen has called for both sides of the Taiwan Strait to put aside the political deadlock and restart dialogue on a peace framework, China has poured cold water on Chen's new goodwill gesture. Chen will have to work hard to draw Beijing into a fair game.
When it comes to the question of repairing the strained Taipei-Washington relationship, Chen will have to reassure his American counterparts that the US will not be caught in the middle of a clash between Taiwanese consciousness and Chinese nationalism. In particular, he must make it clear that his desire to approve a new constitution by 2006 has no bearing on the status quo.
While urging the US to play a constructive role as mediator between Taipei and Beijing, Chen will have to explain to the US government what steps he will take to make cross-strait interaction workable and predictable.
Given that the US presidential election is approaching, Chen must work hard to restore Washington's trust and establish clear and candid channels of communication.
Because Chen pledged during the election that he would continue to reform and build trust in Taiwan, the first item on his domestic agenda must be to bridge the divisions in Taiwanese society that resulted from a heated election campaign.
As a country struggling to deepen democracy, Taiwan yearns for more discipline, structure and order in all aspects of its national life. Upset with political finger-pointing, a sense of political chaos and instability and sometimes-intentional political manipulation of ethnic problems, Taiwanese voters are looking for national reconciliation and leadership that can bring forth a mature civil society.
Last month's election displayed a public eagerness for more political stability, economic improvement, efficient government and well-established political institutions and rule of law.
By taking the theme of strength and unity and applying it to healthy political competition, anti-corruption efforts, economic rejuvenation, crime-fighting and government downsizing, Chen can win more support.
When his administration was criticized by the opposition as "the new kids in town" four years ago, Chen stepped out and launched a campaign based on love for Taiwan and a continued belief in reform. The 1.5 million additional votes that Chen received in this year's election represent a mandate for him. Making use of his popularity to advance cross-strait rapprochement, rejuvenate the US-Taiwan relationship and promote national harmony would position him to establish three major legacies during his time in office.
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On April 10, 2004 ……
Law must be upheld
Helga Nieker, Taipei
The last couple of weeks have seen incredible events. First of all an election evening with thousands of people on the streets ending peacefully. One party asking its supporters to return home and keep a low profile and the other asking them to continue to demonstrate. This resulting in the mass demonstration on March 27. Then the dramatic but peaceful breaking-up of the demonstration.
I am convinced that Taiwan has made history by showing such tolerance and that it has been an example to the world by dispersing this demonstration peacefully.
Worrisome, however, is the recent tendency for taking action outside a legally established framework. The leaders and supporters have a great responsibility in this respect. The foreign community and foreign investors are hoping that Taiwan continues to be a country ruled by law and that disputes are settled within the established legal framework. Furthermore, that there is no threat of violence or riots.
Taiwan has become a modern society in which investors have confidence. I hope that all parties concerned understand that. However, this confidence will only remain if the law is upheld.
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On April 10, 2004 ……
Not how Gandhi did it
Christopher Casas, Taipei
I cannot believe that these student protesters have the audacity to claim that they are neutral. It is clear that some or all of these students have "blue" in their blood and are trying to advance the "blue" cause.
Second, they demand to meet the president to discuss their views and opinions. So let me get this straight -- if I want to meet the president all I need to do is to stop eating for a few days?
I do not think threatening to harm oneself is the correct way to try to get something achieved and I hope that President Chen Shui-bian will not give these "blue" students the time of day.
It seems awfully odd to me that the students do this on 12-hour shifts. So basically after 12 hours they can go to the local KFC outlet and stuff their faces until they are full and then return to "starve" for 12 more hours. Funny, but I don't recall that was the way Mahatma Gandhi did it when he was trying to get his message across.
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On April 10, 2004 ……
Ignore talk shows and polls
May Huang, Taipei
Before the election, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan and People First Party Chairman James Soong would attend some of the most popular(according to the ratings) programs to promote themselves. But it turned out that ratings didn't translate into votes.
The TV talk shows here were hilarious. They hired some people from both sides (pan-blue or pan-green) to argue loudly on TV and then invite the audience to call in to talk about issues that were so superficial. At first, most people thought they were so democratic and rushed to call in to express themselves for 30 seconds. Then, people started to realize that these programs were biased, and some just watched to have a laugh.
The public knew that no matter what they thought, the TV talk shows or the survey results were not going to do their opinions justice. So they created a mirage to satisfy the opposition. When the results came out, they were laughing and saying `I told you so.'
What a fascinating way to demonstrate the power of democracy!
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